Social Mobility among Dalits in India
Social
Mobility among Dalits in India
A.
GOPALAKRISHNAN
Ph.D
Research Scholar (Full Time)
Dept
of English
Alagappa
Govt Arts College
Karaikudi
Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes are the terms of reference listed in the Indian
Constitution, and in government, legal and scholarly writing,particularly of
the colonial period. Terms such as ‘depressed classes’ and ‘backward classes’
were also used historically,but these were eventually replaced. The terms SC
and ST are now used to refer to the communities listed in the Government
Schedule as ‘outcastes’ and ‘tribals’, respectively. The notion of ‘outcastes’
is premised upon the Hindu caste system, which divides society into the four
broad categories of Brahmins (priests), Kshatriyas (warriors), Vaishyas
(traders), and Shudras (menial workers). The castes of Ati Shudras (performing
the most menial tasks) were designated as outside the fourfold caste system,
and it is these ‘outcastes’ that are today referred to as Scheduled Castes.
Scheduled Castes have also been referred to as ‘Untouchables’ by Hindu caste
society and as‘Harijans(children of
God), a term popularized by Mahatma Gandhi. These terms were deemed
unconstitutional in Independent India, and rejected as derogatory and
paternalistic by the Scheduled Castes themselves. The term ‘Dalit’ (meaning
broken, oppressed, downtrodden) emerged from within the Scheduled Caste
community to highlight their oppressed status and establish their unique
identity and consciousness as the ‘Other’ within Hindu society.
One
critical difference in the nature of discrimination is that in the Hindu caste
system some sections of the Scheduled Castes are described as untouchables as
or ‘less than human’, and therefore face extreme discrimination and violence by
other caste Hindus. Historically, SC communities were systematically segregated
from the rest of the village and were denied access to education, housing and
land. Public places such as temples, wells for drinking water, restaurants,
toilets, and many other civic facilities were also out of bounds for them
(Alexander, 2003). The infringement on their civil rights continues today,
especially in rural areas, and instances of violent reprisals against groups
who demand equal social status are not uncommon, despite legal prohibitions
against caste-based discrimination.
According to the 2001 Census, the ST
population is 84,326,240 and constitutes 8.2% of the total population of India.
This population grew by 24.5% during the period 1991-2001 (Census of India,
2002). The SC population, on the other hand, is 166,635,700 and
constitutes16.2% of the total population of India. In certain regions, and
particularly the Northeastern states of Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Mizoram
and Meghalaya, Scheduled Tribes make up the overwhelming majority of the total
population. The overall socio-economic and political status of Scheduled Tribes
in these states is significantly better than in other parts of the country, a
difference that is also reflected in their educational status and
accomplishments. For instance, literacy among the ST population in Mizoram, a
state with a ST majority population, is 89.34%, while in Andhra Pradesh, a
state with a ST minority population, it is only 37.04% (See Table 2).This
unevenness is further complicated when one notes that states with a majority ST
population represent only a small percentage of the total Scheduled Tribe
population of the country. As Sujatha (2002) points out, the states of Madhya
Pradesh, Orissa, Bihar, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh and
West Bengal together account for 82% of the total ST population in India,
despite the fact that Scheduled Tribes
are a minority group in these states .
The
above constitutional policies reflect the good aspirations intended for the
cause of SCs and STs. But, to what extent these intentions have been translated
into practice is suspect. This fact can be seen in Table No. 1 that the
enrollment of SCs at various levels of higher education at an all-India level
(as on March 1, 1992) varies from top to bottom. The data show that the
percentage of enrollment of SCs at the doctorate level is negligible compared
to the other levels of higher education. (See Table 1)
Table 1
Enrolment of SCs at Various Level
of Higher Education at the All India Level (as on March 1, 1992)
|
Course
Boys
|
Percentage
|
Girls
|
Percentage
|
Total
|
Percentage
|
Total
|
Ph.D/D.Sc/D.Phil
|
724
|
0.0001
|
208
|
0.28
|
932
|
0.28
|
Post-Graduation
(MA+M.Sc.+M.Com.)
|
27,341
|
10.59
|
6494
|
8.87
|
33,835
|
10.20
|
Under-graduation
(General)
|
2,07,799
|
80.46
|
60,943
|
83.03
|
2,68,742
|
81.09
|
Under-graduation
(Engineering+Medicine +Education)
|
22,371
|
8.66
|
5515
|
7.53
|
27,886
|
8.41
|
Total
|
2,58,235
|
100
|
73,160
|
100
|
3,31,395
|
100
|
Source:
India, 1993, Selected Educational Statistics: 1991-92, MHRD, New Delhi
In fact,
the enrollment of SCs has not increased much in higher education in the last
two decades. Their enrollment is stuck at around eight per cent to the total
enrollment—7.5 per cent each at under-graduate and post-graduate levels in
1976-78 and 8.5 per cent in 1994-95. It increased from 9.3 per cent in 1976-78
to 12 per cent in 1994-95 at the high/higher secondary level. The percentage of
SCs to total enrollment at graduation level varied from 5.35 in B.Com. to 11.23
in BA; and at post-graduation level from 7.13 in M.Sc. to 13.47 in MA in
1995-96. It is also noticeable that SC girls lag behind the SCs boys in higher
education in general; but their ratio is slightly more than boys in some
important professional courses, namely, BE (Boys : 6.43 per cent; girls : 7.95
per cent) and MBBS (boys : 8.83 per cent; girls: 9.36 per cent). (Choudhary
1998:444-5)
Categories
|
Total
|
SC/ST
|
Percentage
|
Vice Chancellor
|
-
|
Nil
|
-
|
Professors
|
2133
|
13
|
0.61
|
Readers/Associate
|
3261
|
34
|
1.04
|
Professors
|
|||
Lecturers
|
5341
|
169
|
3.16
|
Research
Associate
|
674
|
71
|
10.53
|
Ministerial Posts
|
|||
Group
A
|
3525
|
118
|
3.35
|
Group
B
|
4833
|
221
|
4.57
|
Group
C
|
14,811
|
1686
|
8.51
|
Group
D
|
17,607
|
2628
|
14.93
|
Source:
India 1985-86: 28th Report of the Commissioner for SC/STs, New Delhi.
Table 2 represents another aspect of the failure of the
constitutional policies of protective discrimination. The given Table shows
that despite 15 per cent reservation of the Scheduled Castes, very less number
of academic and ministerial posts is occupied by the SC in the universities.
The Table gives the representation in teaching and non-teaching posts in 41
Indian universities.
In
fact, the SC of today is also facing a lot of problems so far as the policies
and practical situation is concerned. In fact, the situation is more worrying
in higher education. The National Policy on Education 1986 (NPE 1986:24-6)
ignores completely the educational interests of the SC The policy aims at
attaining excellence but no pretense is made to promote equity in this case.
Emphasis is placed on consolidation and expansion of facilities in the existing
institutions. Provision for making new facilities is minimum and admission is
‘regulated according to capacity’. (Ibid.: 25) Not even a passing reference is
made regarding the promotion of education of the SC in the section on higher
education in the National Policy on Education (NPE). In connection with
technical and management education as well, the NPE shows no commitment to
cater to the needs of the SC (Ibid.: 28-30) It talks of the economically and
socially weaker sections in general for whom appropriate formal and non-formal
programmed of technical education (not management education) would be devised.
(Ibid.: 30)
This review of the
literature on Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe students in elementary
education brings to the fore several insights on the nature of exclusion and
discrimination that cannot be solved simply by providing more schools. The
emphasis, as we have seen, has so far been on expanding access to schools by
increasing the number of schools located near these communities. The results of
this policy have been impressive and significant gains, which can be seen in
the improvements to gross enrollment ratios for SC and ST children. This has
especially been the case since the early 1990s, when states began to make
concerted efforts as part of the Education for All campaign. The upswing in
primary education in such a short period of time shows that when central and
state governments commit to inclusive education through national and
international efforts, significant advancements can be made. Non-availability
of schools is, therefore, no longer the key impediment to educational access
for marginalized communities, and the focus now needs to change
Works
Cited
Jayaram
N, Higher.
Education and Status. New Delhi: Mittal Publication.(1987).
National
Commission.Scheduled Caste and Scheduled
Tribes Annual Report.New Delhi: Government of India, 1998.
Pandey.P.N, Education and Social Mobility. New
Delhi: Daya Publishing House,1998.
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